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Downtown Phoenix |
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Phoenix has become America's
Kidnapping Capital
PHOENIX (By Eve Conant and Arian
Campo-Flores, Newsweek) March 17,
2009 As Manuel exited
the Radio Shack in Phoenix with his
family one afternoon last month, a
group of Hispanic men standing in
the parking lot watched him closely.
"Do it now, do it now," one said to
another in Spanish, according to a
witness. One of the men approached
Manuel, pointed a revolver at his
head and tried to force him into a
Ford Expedition parked close by.
"Please, I'll get into the car, just
don't touch me," Manuel pleaded as
he entered the vehicle, his wife
told police. Nearby, she said,
another man in a Chrysler sedan
aimed a rifle or shotgun out the
driver's side window. At some point,
shots were fired, said witnesses,
although apparently no one was hit.
Then the vehicles tore off with a
screech of tires.
Later that evening, the phone rang.
When Manuel's wife picked up, a male
voice said in Spanish, "Don't call
the police," and then played a
recording of Manuel saying, "Tell
the kids I'm OK." The man said he'd
call again, then hung up. Despite
the warning, Manuel's wife contacted
the cops. In subsequent calls, the
kidnappers told her Manuel owed
money for drugs, and they demanded
$1 million and his Cadillac Escalade
as ransom.
When two men later retrieved the
Escalade and drove off, the cops
chased them and forced them off the
road. Both men, undocumented
immigrants from Mexico, said they'd
been paid by a man who authorities
believe has high-level drug
connections to drive the vehicle to
Tucson. So far, police say, Manuel
hasn't reappeared, and his family
has been reluctant to cooperate
further with law enforcement. "He's
a drug dealer, and he lost a load,"
says Lt. Lauri Burgett of the
Phoenix Police Department's recently
created kidnapping squad. "He was
probably brought to Mexico to answer
for that."
Surprising as it may seem, Phoenix
has become America's kidnapping
capital. Last year 368 abductions
were reported, compared with 117 in
2000. Police say the real number is
likely much higher, since many go
unreported. Though in the past most
of the nabbings stemmed from
domestic-violence incidents, now the
majority are linked to
drug-trafficking and human-smuggling
operations that pervade the Arizona
corridor. It's still unclear to what
extent the snatchings are being
directly ordered by Mexican cartels,
but authorities say they're
undoubtedly a byproduct of the
drug-fueled mayhem south of the
border. "The tactics are moving
north," says assistant police chief
Andy Anderson. "We don't have the
violence they have in Mexico yet
the killing of police officers and
the beheadings but in terms of
kidnappings and home invasions, it
has come."
That raises an unnerving prospect:
the turmoil in Mexico where drug
violence claimed more than 6,000
lives last year is finally seeping
across the border. According to a
December report by the Justice
Department's National Drug
Intelligence Center, Mexican
drug-trafficking organizations have
established a presence in 230 U.S.
cities, including such remote places
as Anchorage, Alaska, and Sheboygan,
Wis. The issue is preoccupying
American officials. "This is getting
the highest level of attention,"
including the president's, says
Homeland Security Secretary Janet
Napolitano who stated the
administration is dispatching
additional Customs and Border
Protection and Immigration and
Customs Enforcement personnel to the
border, and it's reviewing requests
from the governors of Arizona and
Texas for help from National Guard
troops. Earlier this month, Adm.
Mike Mullen, chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff, visited Mexico to
discuss assistance and to share
potentially relevant lessons the
United States has learned in Iraq
and Afghanistan, says a senior
Pentagon official familiar with
details of the trip who wasn't
authorized to speak on the record.
All the attention has stoked public
debate on a particularly fraught
question whether Mexico is a
failing state. A U.S. Joint Forces
Command study released last November
floated that scenario, grouping the
country with Pakistan as a potential
candidate for "sudden and rapid
collapse." Such a comparison is
excessive, says Eric Olson of the
Woodrow Wilson Center's Mexico
Institute in Washington, D.C.,
though the Mexican government
confronts "real problems of
sovereignty in certain areas" of the
country. Administration officials
are striving to tone down the
rhetoric and focus on ways to help.
Among the priorities, says Olson: to
cut American demand for drugs, to
provide additional training and
equipment to law-enforcement and
military personnel in Mexico, and to
clamp down on drug cash an
estimated $23 billion per year and
assault weapons flowing into the
country from the United States.
As the violence continues to spiral
in Mexico, reports of cartel-related
activity are on the rise in American
cities far removed from the border.
Last August the bodies of five
Mexican men were discovered bound,
gagged and electrocuted in
Birmingham, Ala., in what was
believed to be a hit ordered by
Mexican narco traffickers. A few
months later, 33 people with cartel
ties were indicted in Greeneville,
Tenn., for distributing 24,000
pounds of marijuana. In neighboring
North Carolina, "there are cartel
cells
that are a direct extension
from Mexico," says John Emerson, the
Drug Enforcement Administration's
special agent in charge in the
state.
Law enforcement in Atlanta, where a
maze of interstates provides
distribution routes throughout the
Southeast, has dubbed the city "the
new Southwest border." "All those
trends are coming here," says Fred
Stephens of the Georgia Bureau of
Investigations. "We are seeing
alarming patterns, the same
violence." He ticks off a spate of
cartel-linked crimes in the state
assaults, abductions, executions.
Last May authorities in Gwinnett
County found a kidnap victim, along
with 11 kilos of cocaine and $7.65
million in shrink-wrapped bundles,
in a house rented by an alleged Gulf
cartel cell leader. A few months
later, a suspected drug dealer in
Lawrenceville was abducted by six
men, dressed commando-style in
black, and held for a $2 million
ransom (he escaped).
Nothing rivals the rash of
kidnappings in Phoenix, however. As
border enforcement has tightened the
screws on the California and Texas
crossings, Arizona has become a
prime gateway for illicit
trafficking in both directions.
"The drugs and people come north,
the guns go south," says Elizabeth
Kempshall, the DEA's special agent
in charge of the Phoenix division.
Arizona is mostly dominated by the
Sinaloa cartel, which authorities
say is trying to assert greater
control over the U.S. drug trade.
Yet analysts believe the
organization has fractured most
notably last summer, when the
Beltrแn Leyva brothers reportedly
split from leader Joaquํn (El Chapo)
Guzmแn.
That internecine conflict, along
with cartel encroachment north of
the border, has created something of
a free-for-all in Phoenix's criminal
underworld. Among the groups that
have stepped into the breach: roving
Mexican gangsters called bajadores,
or "takedown" crews, who are
responsible for many of the city's
kidnappings. Often operating in
packs of five, they typically cross
the border to commit crimes, then
retreat south, say police. Some work
as enforcers for the cartels,
collecting payment from dealers who
have stiffed the capos or lost their
loads. Others function as
freelancers, stealing shipments of
drugs or undocumented immigrants
from traffickers. "We've seen an
uptick in the bajadores since last
summer," says Al Richard, a Phoenix
police detective. "We are seeing a
lot more professionals coming up
here now."
Bajadores are renowned for their
ruthlessness. Kidnap victims have
been found bound and gagged, their
fingers smashed and their foreheads
spattered with blood from
pistol-whippings. When the crews
abduct undocumented immigrants
hoping to extort more money from
relatives "they will sometimes
kill someone off immediately to
scare the others," says Richard.
"There was a case last year where
they duct-taped the mouth and nose
of one individual and had the others
watch while he asphyxiated and
defecated on himself." Some
bajadores have branched out to home
invasions. In one incident last
June, a gang broke into a home,
outfitted in Phoenix police gear and
Kevlar vests a hallmark of
criminal enterprises across the
border.
To combat the problem, police in
Phoenix created the kidnapping squad
known officially as Home Invasion
Kidnapping Enforcement last
September. Led by Lieutenant Burgett,
the team of 10 lead investigators
has already busted 31 crime cells
and made more than 220 arrests. But
"it never stops," she says. "It's
like a Texas ant hill." One of the
squad's main objectives: to keep the
abductions confined to the criminal
world. "Most of the time, our
victims are as bad as our suspects,"
says Sgt. Phil Roberts. "We give
them five to 10 minutes to hug their
wife, and then they are off to jail
themselves." If average citizens
begin to get ensnared, the result
could be widespread panic. "We don't
want what happens in Mexico to
happen here, where they are
kidnapping bank presidents," he
says. "We don't want the president
of Wells Fargo to need a bodyguard."
Last Tuesday afternoon, the squad
was working a case involving a
suspected marijuana middleman. As
police later learned, a few days
earlier, he'd allegedly brokered a
deal between a group of sellers and
two buyers for 150 pounds of pot.
But when the parties gathered at a
suburban house, the two buyers held
up the others and made off with
$40,000 worth of dope and cash. The
man tried to escape, but a woman at
the house pulled a gun on him.
"You're not leaving," she said,
according to the middleman's
subsequent account to police. "You
set up this deal." The stolen goods
were now his debt. Eventually
released, he scrambled to cobble
together $40,000 worth of
possessions three vehicles, 10
pounds of pot, some cash while a
man who called himself "Chuco" rang
him every hour. But it wasn't
enough. On Tuesday morning, Chuco
arrived at the man's house. "I've
got to go," the man told his
girlfriend, according to her
statements to police. "If I don't
pay, they're going to hurt me." His
abductors, he said, worked for El
Chapo (an unconfirmed allegation).
Later that day, the man's girlfriend
arrived at the police station.
Sleepless and frantic, she fielded
repeated calls from her boyfriend,
who pleaded for her to raise
additional cash. The cops urged her
to remain calm. "I know you are
stressed, but you need to keep
talking," said one of the
detectives. "You are the only one
who can do the negotiating." She had
already called some family members
and asked them to draw money from an
equity line. But it wasn't arriving
quickly enough. "I don't have it
yet, baby," she told her boyfriend
on a subsequent call, as he grew
more distressed. "I'm doing
everything I can."
Unbeknownst to the woman, the
kidnapping squad had received
information on her boyfriend's
possible location. As cops
approached the suspected house a
little after midnight, an SUV
suddenly sped away. Police pursued
it and pulled it over. "Tell us
where he is!" a detective told the
passengers. Just then, a Chevy
Impala took off from the house.
Another chase ensued, and eventually
the driver was forced to stop.
Inside were four passengers, with
the middleman in the rear, flanked
by two men armed with weapons. Back
at the station, detectives
questioned the parties; as of late
last week, charges were likely
against four abductors, but not the
victim, due to a lack of evidence in
the suspected marijuana deal. But
now he's on the cops' radar, says
Burgett. "We do proactive follow-up
on victims as well."
Though much of Phoenix's kidnapping
epidemic stems from alleged drug
deals gone awry, plenty are linked
to the human-smuggling trade. That
work used to be dominated by small
"mom and pop" outfits, but in time,
the cartels have muscled in on it.
Any group that wants to use their
trafficking routes has to pay up
about $2,000 per week for Mexicans
and $10,000 per week for "exotics,"
like Chinese and Middle Easterners,
says Richard, the Phoenix detective.
That added business cost has
encouraged some smugglers to try to
extort more money from their human
loads known as pollos, or
"chickens" once they've crossed
the border. More and more, pollos
may change hands several times among
due๑os, or "owners" a new, more
violent breed of smugglers. The drop
houses used to stash immigrants are
also becoming more barbaric.
One recent night, the Human
Smuggling Unit of the Maricopa
County sheriff's office received a
tip on a drop house in a
middle-class neighborhood in
Phoenix. Relatives of an immigrant
being held there had received an
extortion call demanding $3,500.
Joined by a SWAT team, the unit made
its move, breaching windows and
doors, which were boarded up (a
typical precaution taken by
smugglers). A half dozen men tried
to escape but were grabbed, says Lt.
Joe Sousa, the unit commander.
Inside were several dozen
undocumented immigrants, all
shoeless and famished. Authorities
confiscated two pistols, a sawed-off
shotgun and a Taser-like device
"used against people when they're
put on the phone, begging their
relatives for cash," says Sousa. It
was a good bust, he says, but
"within a week or two, that same
organization will be back up and
running." Sousa moved to Phoenix
because he thought it was a nice
place to raise a family. But the
violence is out of control, he says.
"Soon as I retire, I'm out of here."
Many area residents who have had
encounters with the smuggling world
share the sentiment. At a takedown
of a suspected drop house a few days
earlier in nearby Avondale, a
neighbor became inconsolable
describing the terror he experienced
living next door to what locals fear
is a home to ruthless criminals.
"It's been hell," said the man, who
refused to be named because he was
scared. "I have five kids. I've been
sleeping with two machine guns under
my bed for two years." He's planning
to foreclose on his property and
flee with his family as soon as
possible. Despite the bust, the
smugglers "will be back," he said.
"Right now, they are headed to the
border, they'll chill out for a
month, and they'll be back." As
overwrought as he may have been, he
was probably right.