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Obama can not Win in 2012 without the Hispanic
Vote and I am Not Voting for Obama Unless....
SANTA FE, NM (By
Jon Garrido, The Jon Garrido Network)
June 10, 2011
―
President Obama’s trip to Texas,
where he gave a
speech on the
need for
immigration
reform was
crafted for
maximum
political
advantage.
The point was to
remind Hispanics
the president
supports their
goal of
providing a path
to legality and
citizenship for
undocumented and
Republicans do
not. If the
president
proposes another
go at
immigration
reform and is
turned down by
Congress, part
of which is now
controlled by
the GOP, that
should ensure
maximum loyalty
for Obama’s
reelection bid
on the part of
most Hispanics.
In Obama's
world, it ought
to work but it
doesn't.
Hispanics are
not buying what
Obama is
selling.
Many in the
Republican
caucus in
Congress are
hostile to
anything that
smacks of
“amnesty” for
undocumented and
most Hispanics
deeply resent
GOP-backed
legislation
aimed at
enforcing
existing
immigration laws
in places like
Arizona.
The blatant
insincerity of
Obama's gambit
is turning off
the intended
voters of his
appeal.
Hispanics
understand the
president is
merely playing
us.
First, if
immigration
reform had truly
been a priority
for Obama then
he might have
spent some time
working on it
during his first
two years in
office when his
party controlled
both houses of
Congress. The
fact he didn’t
lift a finger on
this issue until
the Republican
victory last
November made
passage of
reform an
impossibility
makes it hard
for even the
most partisan of
Hispanic
Democrats to
take Obama at
face value on
immigration.
Second, even
the president’s
current efforts
are completely
for show rather
than a genuine
attempt to pass
a bill. The
White House has
made no effort
to reach out to
Congress to pave
the way for
legislation, a
sure tipoff that
nothing serious
is planned.
Even more
damaging, as far
as Hispanic
Democrats are
concerned, is
the president’s
point-blank
refusal to use
his executive
power to halt
deportations of
undocumented
immigrants,
especially those
students who
might have
benefitted from
the Dream Act,
the bill to
legalize
students and
military
personnel who
were brought to
the United
States by their
parents. The
proposed Dream
Act Bill failed
in the Congress
last year.
The Hispanic
Caucus is also
urging the White
House to expand
waivers for
undocumented
immigrants who
are immediate
relatives of
U.S. citizens
but Obama
continues to
refuse to do any
of this.
The reasoning
for his refusal
is similarly
political. Obama
knows while
speeches about
amnesty might
help him among
Hispanics, they
won’t do him
much harm with
other groups
that might vote
for him. If he
used his
executive power
to erode the
government’s
efforts to
deport
undocumented,
however, the
chances are he
would undermine
his standing
with
independents.
So while the
national press
corps dutifully
followed Obama
to Texas to
assist his
efforts to
embarrass
Republicans, the
sector of the
population least
impressed with
him on this
issue is
Hispanics. While
Republicans have
harmed
themselves with
these voters by
allowing
demagogues to be
the loudest
voices heard on
immigration,
most Hispanics
know it was
George W. Bush
who made
immigration
reform a
priority in his
second term, but
failed to get a
bill passed in
no small measure
because
Democrats and
liberals refused
to help him get
around members
of his own
party.
Hispanics
also know more
deportations
have taken place
in Obama’s two
years in office
than occurred
during the Bush
presidency.
Barack Obama
is right when he
says America
needs
immigration
reform, but he’s
wrong if he
thinks his
attempt to use
this issue for
political
advantage will
convince anyone
of his
sincerity.
President Obama, who has spent two
and a half years not delivering on his
promise to fix immigration in the speech
given with great fanfare in El Paso last
month cloaked his failure in tough
statistics — this many new border
agents, that much fencing, these
thousands of deportations.
As for the other parts of reform —
where millions of immigrants get right
with the law and get on with becoming
Americans, where workers are better
protected — he threw up his hands. He
said immigration advocates “wish I could
just bypass Congress and change the law
myself. But that’s not how a democracy
works.”
There is a lot however President
Obama can and should do, using the
discretion and authority granted to the
executive branch and its agencies to
make the system work better:
●
Mr. Obama can bolster public safety by pulling
the plug on Secure Communities, a
program that sends fingerprints of
everyone booked by state or local police
to Department of Homeland Security
databases to be checked for immigration
violations. It was supposed to focus on
dangerous felons, but the heavy majority
of those it catches are non-criminals or
minor offenders — more than 30 percent
have no convictions for anything.
The president should listen to the
many law enforcement professionals and
local officials, like the governors of
New York and Illinois, who want nothing
to do with Secure Communities. They say
it endangers the public by catching the
wrong people and stifling community
cooperation with law enforcement.
●
The president can push much harder against the
noxious anti-immigrant laws
proliferating in the national
free-for-all. The administration sued to
stop Arizona’s radical scheme but Utah,
Alabama, Indiana and Georgia are trying
to do the same thing.
●
He can grant relief from deportation to young
people who would have qualified for the
Dream Act, a bill that congress refused
to pass that would have granted legal
status to the innocent undocumented who
enter college or the military. He can do
the same for workers who would qualify
for the Power Act, a stalled bill that
seeks to prevent employers from using
the threat of deportation and
immigration raids to retaliate against
employees who press for their rights on
the job.
●
He can resist Republican lawmakers who want
mandatory nationwide use of E-Verify, a
flawed hiring database, which would
likely lead to thousands of Americans
losing their job because of data errors.
A December report by the Government
Accountability Office warned E-Verify is
plagued by inaccurate records and
vulnerable to identity theft and
employer fraud.
●
He can order the citizenship agency to keep
families intact by making it easier for
undocumented immigrants who are
immediate relatives of American citizens
to fix their status without having to
leave the country. Many already qualify
for green cards but are afraid to risk
getting stuck abroad under too-strict
laws that could bar their re-entry.
●
He can bolster the civil rights division of the
Department of Justice and give the
Department of Labor more tools to
strengthen protections for all workers
and the authority to combat labor
trafficking. Such authority now lies
with Homeland Security, which means many
immigrants are too frightened to speak
up when their rights are abused.
As President Obama said in El Paso,
the United States needs to address “the
real human toll of a broken immigration
system.” There’s work to do, Mr.
President and your actions demonstrate
the lack of empathy for Hispanics torn
apart by deporting family members for
having a broken tail light or jay
walking.
Obama can not Win without the Hispanic
Vote
The failure of all the above to help
Hispanics will be devastating in 2012 when
Hispanics fail to vote for Obama.
The alternative is a Republican win but
the truth is Hispanics were better off with
President Bush.
The only way to move Hispanics forward is
to vote for American Hispanics to replace
non Hispanics members of Congress and
especially to elect an Mexican American
Hispanic to the Senate to become America's
advocate for Immigration Reform.
As for Obama's strategy to win a second
term, Democrats evaluating the 2012 map are
confident President Barack Obama can win
enough battleground states to earn a second
term, but via a far less aggressive path
than what he forged in 2008.
Party strategists, Obama aides and top
Democrats see multiple routes for the
president to reach the 270 Electoral College
votes he needs on Nov. 6, 2012. But some
Democrats splash cold water on the big talk
of outreach in all 50 states, saying it is
obvious the president will focus on
traditional swing territory.
It’s not the ambitious strategy the
hopeful Team Obama once showcased to psych
out opponents.
In 2008, then-campaign manager David
Plouffe often would boast about playing
offense and seeing potential on a map that
at one point even included Alaska, North
Dakota and Georgia.
A Democratic official familiar with the
still-forming re-election campaign told Roll
Call the focus will be holding the 2008
pickups of Colorado, Virginia and North
Carolina, winning over Hispanic voters in
the West and flooding the traditional swing
states of Ohio and Florida with resources.
The Democrats feel good about winning New
Mexico and Nevada, especially given the
population growth among Hispanics.
Obviously the Obama re-election strategy
falls flat without Hispanic voters voting
for Obama.
What follows is a strategy the Obama
re-election team will implement assuming the
Hispanic vote will turn out for Obama but we
Hispanics know this is a false assumption
unless Obama accepts the
conditions/requirements stated below.
While it’s early and strategies will
surely evolve based on who becomes the GOP
nominee, there are several paths for the
president to win re-election.
As the campaign shapes up, this map
translates into frequent Obama trips to the
heartland and western battlegrounds and
maintaining popularity with the black voters
who can help Obama win Virginia and North
Carolina a second time. It means the
president must keep Hispanic voters
interested in the election to help him lock
down Nevada, New Mexico and Colorado — and,
as is the talk in some optimistic circles,
Arizona.
Former Democratic National Committee
Chairman Howard Dean said that when he led
the party in 2008, his strategy accounted
for Obama losing Ohio and Florida but still
winning the White House. Obama exceeded his
expectations by running the table with
swing-state victories, and Dean feels even
more confident today.
“The West is a big cushion. If we win
Florida, we win the whole thing, and Florida
is very, very winnable,” Dean said in an
interview.
The Democratic official noted in
Colorado, Virginia, North Carolina and even
Iowa, Hispanic voters were “a factor” in
2008, and their numbers “are more pronounced
now.”
“It won’t swing the state, but it will be
a factor,” the official said.
Indeed, it’s no accident Obama has
continued to push immigration reform as a
campaign issue despite remarkably little
chance for its legislative success on
Capitol Hill.
“We have a lot of different states we
need to win in order to get to the 270,” DNC
Chairwoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz said,
predicting Obama will win her home state.
“He sent a very strong signal by asking
me to chair the DNC about how important a
priority Florida is,” the Congresswoman
said.
Despite the lousy economy and the
president’s sagging poll numbers, Democrats
aren’t ready to cede Ohio and even privately
insist they think it’s winnable.
Dean argued newly elected Republican
governors and the budget and labor clashes
in Ohio and Wisconsin will help keep those
battleground states in the Obama column.
“There is going to be a huge backlash,
and Obama is most likely going to win Ohio
as a result of all this,” he said. “You
can’t overreach in American politics, and
what they’ve done is given Obama new life.”
The Democratic official believes Ohio
will be competitive but not unwinnable,
thanks in part to a planned large financial
investment in on-the-ground talent there.
Jeremy Bird, who runs Obama’s 2012 field
program, served as the campaign’s 2008 state
director in Ohio.
Privately, Democrats say Indiana will be
much tougher to hold. Missouri is likely to
come off the 2012 battleground map, given
that it has only trended more conservative
since Obama narrowly lost it in 2008 and
Sen. Claire McCaskill will be facing a tough
re-election battle and a strengthened
Show-Me State GOP base.
A Republican strategist who worked on the
2008 campaign said Obama was only able to
expand the playing field into states such as
Indiana because he was an unknown quantity.
“Now that he has a record, he’ll be
judged on the economy in these battleground
states. And that’s going to limit where he
can play,” the strategist said.
Because of reapportionment, Obama would
have a net of six fewer Electoral College
votes in 2012 than he scored in 2008.
Democrats say those numbers don’t worry
them.
For their part, Obama’s team has publicly
played up the fact that things won’t be so
easy this time around, if only to help drum
up grass-roots support and donations. “The
electoral landscape will be more
challenging,” campaign manager Jim Messina
recently told supporters in a Web video.
Democrats insist there will be offices
with volunteers and paid staff in all 50
states before the general election gets
going. “This is the first time a candidate
will go live with a field program that will
have been active for four years,” the
official said, referring to the work the
DNC’s Organizing for America has done since
Obama took office. “We’re in good shape in
these swing states.”
But Dean, who built the 50-state strategy
for the Democrats’ blockbuster 2006 cycle,
scoffed at claims Obama’s team will be able
to blanket the nation.
“They are not pursuing a 50-state
strategy in the way we did. They are giving
them $5,000 a month or $7,500. We had a
$60,000 budget per state for tech training
and three staffers,” Dean said. “It still
exists, but it’s scaled back.”
A Democratic official said the 50-state
strategy “played a critical role in building
the party” and noted the DNC continued
Dean’s vision but has been using different
methods.
As for those red states he flipped in
2008, Obama has remained surprisingly strong
in Virginia, where voters picked a
Republican governor in 2009 and ousted three
Democratic House Members last fall.
Democrats chose to hold their nominating
convention in Charlotte in part because of
North Carolina’s battleground status.
Wasserman Schultz said Wednesday during a
visit to Raleigh that the Tar Heel State is
the “heart and soul” of the president’s
re-election campaign, according to the
Associated Press.
The Republican strategist said the GOP
learned something from the 2008 battle for
the Democratic nomination between Obama and
then-Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton (N.Y.). The
contest lasted through every single state’s
primary, allowing the Democrats to register
more voters than the Republicans, who had
wrapped up their nomination before spring.
“If our primary season goes long and
deep, you’ll see a GOP nominee emerge who is
well-known and who has infrastructure in
these states.”
A White House aide is quoted as saying it
will be months before Obama mounts any
substantive campaign travel. Until then, the
president will “tack politics on the back
end” of official business by scheduling
nearby fundraisers when it makes sense.
The aide said Obama won’t “engage” the
Republican candidates for the nomination
until the GOP field is more set.
“We’re keeping the president on the
presidential track,” the aide said. “There
will be a time and a place for a more
intense focus on politics.”
Obama campaign expands 2012 map
President Barack Obama’s campaign team is gaming out
complex state-by-state scenarios for 2012 that
anticipate uphill battles in recession-ravaged blue
states — and new opportunities in Arizona and Georgia.
Their underlying assumption is the GOP presidential
field remains so fluid – and the country’s economic
outlook so devilishly unpredictable – Obama must
construct robust grassroots field operations in nearly
every competitive state in order to hit the magic number
of 270 electoral votes and win re-election.
If the famously expanded “Obama map” of 2008 was a
gesture of emancipation from the cramped Democratic
geography of the party’s past presidential campaigns,
the equally big 2012 map is a reflection of the reality
there’s not yet a way to know the combination of red,
blue and purple states that will add up to victory.
“We are preparing a variety of scenarios to get to
270. We are not putting our cards on any one state and
don’t foresee doing that,” Said Obama campaign manager
Jim Messina, rebuffing GOP suggestions thhe president’s
electoral horizons are shrinking.
“We’re building our ground campaign now,” Messina
said, adding that “2011 is about infrastructure.”
Messina would not confirm the content of the
half-dozen or so campaign scenarios floating around
Obama headquarters – but other Democrats say one map
points to alternative pathways if the president
underperforms in the Midwest, especially in Ohio, which
has suffered disproportionately from the economic
downturn, and where Democrats suffered heavy losses in
2010.
And that could likely spark an intensive push in the
Mountain West, where squeaker victories by Sens. Harry
Reid (D-Nev.) and Michael Bennet (D-Colo.) last November
have revived Democratic hopes.
On the flip side, a worse-than-expected trend in the
critical states of Colorado or Nevada by mid-2012 could
force the campaign to shift resources back east to the
more traditional battleground Midwest.
Virtually all of the scenarios envision Obama winning
either North Carolina or Virginia, centerpieces of his
2008 win and the biggest prizes of the moderating
demographic shifts that have opened up parts of the
upper south to Democrats. And Obama, who pushed through
the auto bailout amid GOP opposition, is performing well
in Michigan, a state which would otherwise be ripe for
Republicans.
Still, Obama’s team does acknowledge one area of
probable contraction: Indiana, which has, for all
intents and purposes turned red despite Obama’s
30,000-vote margin of victory there three years ago.
Indiana will attract fewer Obama resources initially
for 2012, “but we could make a late play there like we
did last time,” said a senior campaign official.
Not surprisingly, Republicans are dismissive of the
Obama campaign’s political geography.
“I would almost hate to be in their shoes, the economy
is going into the tank and they have to look for votes
wherever they can get them,” said Republican National
Committee political director Rick Wiley. “They are
hoping – hoping! – the unemployment rate will be at 8
percent during the election. Good luck with trying to
defend that record in these swing states.”
If the map is still vague, the entrance of former
governors Mitt Romney of Massachusetts and Tim Pawlenty
of Minnesota into the presidential race has given
Obama’s Chicago-based team a key element of his
re-election: A new crop of GOP targets.
On Monday, Pawlenty rolled into Obama’s hometown to
declare the president’s economic policies a failure,
attack “Obamacare” and dub the president a “champion
practitioner of class warfare” for not embracing his
proposal to slash business taxes.
Obama strategist David Axelrod was ready for it.
“You have to question the credibility of a guy who would
leave his state with a $6.2 billion deficit,” Axelrod
said between bites at the back table in Manny’s, a
working-class Chicago cafeteria that serves as his
second home and more-or-less permanent focus group.
Axelrod, responding to Romney’s claim Obama “failed
America” by not reducing joblessness, added: “It felt
like rhetoric in search of an idea… He’s tethered to his
own history; His state ranked 47th in job creation when
he was governor and that would have been lower if it
hadn’t been for Katrina” and the resulting job losses
suffered by Gulf states because of the hurricane.
Even so, the 2012 map is a product of what Messina has
been telling donors privately for months: Next year will
be a lot more challenging for Obama than the 2008
general elections against John McCain.
That calculation also gibes with a memo circulated by
the RNC Wednesday identifying Obama’s challenges in the
nine critical swing states won by both him and George W.
Bush.
“Virginia is a state that hadn’t previously voted
Democrat in a presidential election since 1964… In North
Carolina…Republicans picked up both chambers of the
state legislature and a U.S. House seat in 2010,” Wiley
wrote in the memo, first reported by the Washington
Post.
“In Ohio, Republicans held the U.S. Senate seat,
regained the Governorship and control of the State
House, picked up five U.S. House seats, and picked up
three state constitutional offices – Attorney General,
Treasurer, and Secretary of State.”
In that light, the Obama campaign’s ambitious
fundraising goals – anywhere from $700 million to $1
billion – are less a luxury than a financial necessity,
the fuel to run an expensive political gas guzzler which
must cover vast swaths of electoral territory.
The core battlegrounds of 2008 remain unchanged in 2012:
Ohio, Florida, Virginia, North Carolina and
Pennsylvania. All are marginal Obama states where his
popularity has sagged, and will require untold millions
in cash and other resources, campaign officials say.
To that list, Obama hopes to add two new states: Georgia
– viewed by the campaign as North Carolina’s demographic
“Mini Me,” which Obama lost by 5 points; and Arizona,
seen as a stretch possibility if Obama can ride the
Hispanic population explosion and backlash against Gov.
Jan Brewer’s immigration crackdown.
“We reject the 2000 and 2004 model,” said a senior Obama
campaign aide. “There are some demographic changes in
Arizona, and McCain won’t be running this time. We think
it’s in play.”
Wiley laughed that off. “You are going into Arizona and
Georgia to expand? Republicans control everything in
those states. It’s lunacy. We welcome their expenditure
of resources in states we are going to win. What’s next?
Montana? Nebraska?”
Yet, Obama’s campaign veterans say they’ve hear all of
this before. Obama’s finance and field staffs, led by
Rufus Gifford and Mitch Stewart respectively, have been
working up budgets for states to maximize turnout and
re-create the high-energy atmosphere of Obama’s 2008
operation. They have also begun opening dozens of field
offices and recruiting a new generation of college-aged
organizers to take major new roles.
Moreover, local organizers have been given the authority
to pitch Stewart and other officials on getting involved
in local Democratic races and other fights to help build
relationships and give their operatives valuable
live-fire experience.
They played just such a cameo role in Rep. Kathy
Hochul’s come-from-behind victory in New York’s 26th
congressional district. Obama aides say they are also
likely to be involved in efforts to recall GOP state
legislators in Wisconsin and in pushing for the rollback
of SB-5, the Ohio law curtailing some collective
bargaining rights of state employees.
Why
Obama Cannot Win in 2012
The smart money in a
presidential election is on the
incumbent. But in a down
economy, or when the public
perceives the incumbent as
feckless, dithering or simply
not up to the task — can you say
Jimmy Carter or George H.W.
Bush? — the conventional wisdom
can go out the window. That’s
pretty much where we are with
President Obama. Several
factors, when taken together,
make it almost impossible for
him to win reelection.
1. “It’s the Economy,
Stupid.”
We have former Bill Clinton
advisor James Carville, who
knows a little something about
beating an incumbent president,
Bush 41, to thank for that
important insight. Maybe
Carville was anticipating Obama.
A
new Washington Post poll claims
57 percent of the public
disapproves of Obama’s handling
of the economy. Those kinds of
numbers can create electoral
landslides for the opponent.
Since 1940 no incumbent
president has been reelected
with an unemployment rate above
7.5 percent (i.e., Reagan’s rate
in 1984). It’s currently 8.8
percent. Of course, many states
have significantly higher
unemployment rates; California,
Nevada, Michigan, Oregon and
Florida, among others, remain
above 10 percent. Those states
are essential for Obama’s
reelection. While California
and Oregon will remain blue,
economically struggling
Michigan, Nevada and Florida
could express their discontent
by voting Republican.
The economy will likely pick
up over the next 18 months, but
very slowly. And that means
millions of struggling families
will head to the polls on
election day and vindicate
Carville’s political insight .
2. Consumers Are
“Fueling” the Pain
High gas prices create
immediate and visceral economic
pain. A new ABC/Washington Post
poll says that seven out of 10
respondents claim high gas
prices are “causing financial
hardship.”
When those prices get high
enough, the public starts
demanding solutions and holding
politicians responsible.
There have been three major
gas-price hikes in the past
century:
- The mid-1970s when
Gerald Ford was president;
- Followed by an even
bigger spike when Jimmy
Carter occupied the Oval
Office; and
- 2008, when oil exceeded
$100 a barrel between
January and September,
ending just before the
presidential election.
Incumbent Gerald Ford lost
his reelection bid, as did Jimmy
Carter. Of course, John McCain
wasn’t running for reelection in
2008, but the Republican Party
with Bush in the White House was
and the party lost. Even though
prices had started to decline by
September, it wasn’t enough to
stem the summer of our
discontent.
Barack Obama has never
proposed a serious energy
policy. Indeed, he has either
directly or indirectly opposed
virtually all efforts to develop
domestic energy sources,
including offshore drilling and
in Alaska. Rather, his energy
policy seems to be to put
everyone in a (Government
Motors) Chevy Volt.
The 2008 gas-price surge
lasted about nine months. If
the current surge follows that
pattern, that would take it to
the beginning of 2012—and some
think it may go significantly
longer. If voters continue to
“fuel” the pain at the pumps,
the president will feel their
pain at the polls.
3. The Debt Bet
A newly elected President
Obama made a political bet: the
American people would be so glad
to get all the new federal
handouts and bailouts there
would be little or no political
fallout.
Although he still complains he
inherited the first-ever $1
trillion deficit from the Bush
administration, Obama
immediately doubled down with a
$1.4 trillion deficit for the
2009 fiscal year, and $1.29
trillion for FY 2010, according
to the Congressional Budget
Office (CBO).
Then CBO also projected budget
deficits at $1.43 trillion for
FY 2011 and $1.16 trillion for
FY 2012. Of course, repeated
Republican calls for spending
cuts, backed up by widespread
public support in the polls,
forced the president to reverse
course in April, which may
affect future deficits.
But Obama’s repeated efforts
to blame Bush for deficit
spending deficits that were
created by a Democratically
controlled Congress and
supported by then-Senator Obama
no longer look disingenuous so
much as dishonest. Much of the
voter angst that led to the
Democrats’ drubbing last
November was due to the
president’s unchecked federal
spending spree. Obama gambled
big and lost. The public wants
the country’s fiscal house in
order, and that means big
spending cuts—not tax increases.
4. Promises Made,
Promises Broken
The man is a serial
flip-flopper who has reversed
himself on almost every major
promise and a lot of minor ones,
too: His assertion about the
openness of the health care
reform legislation; his
opposition to an individual
mandate requiring people to buy
health insurance; his strong
support for publicly funded
presidential campaigns; his
claim that he would shut down
Guantanamo and try terrorists in
civilian courts; his criticism
of Bush for getting us bogged
down in a winless war in a
Muslim country, then going into
Libya; his promise that families
making less than $250,000 would
see no tax increases. The list
of his flip-flops is endless.
On the positive side, the man
can claim that he’s been right
on almost every issue because
he’s been on both sides of so
many of them. But American
voters want a president with
principles who stands for
something besides his own
reelection.
5. The Electoral Flap
The November election was a
boon for Republicans, giving
them control of the governor’s
mansions in 29 states and
another five with Republican
legislatures and a Democratic
governor. So how do some of the
pundits see this massive
electoral upheaval playing out
for Obama’s reelection? Why
favoring it, of course.
USA
Today reporter David Jackson
writes, “Our friends at NBC News
have revised their battleground
map, and it shows Obama and the
Democrats have the edge in
states with 232 electoral
votes.” (It takes 270 to win.)
By
contrast, political tracking pro
Michael Barone writing in the
Washington Examiner comes to a
similar number for Democrats,
237 electoral votes, but he sees
that number at the top end of
their total votes, not the
starting point. As a general
rule, you don’t want to bet
against Barone.
The fact is the
state-by-state breakdowns show a
Republican trend. For example,
of the four states USA Today
lists as “lean Dem,” three of
them, Michigan, New Jersey and
Pennsylvania all have Republican
governors now. And the fourth,
Minnesota, just had a two-term
Republican governor step down
and now, remarkably for that
state, has a Republican House
and Senate.
Of the 10 states considered
toss-ups, several of them,
Florida, Iowa, North Carolina,
Ohio and Virginia have strong
Republican leanings, and voted
both times for George W. Bush.
The electoral map is leaning
more Republican than it has for
years. Obama can win it, but
it’s an uphill climb, not a
downhill slide.
6. The Tax Man Cometh
Presidential candidate Walter
Mondale famously predicted at
the 1984 Democratic convention,
“Mr. Reagan will raise taxes,
and so will I. He won’t tell
you. I just did.” The crowd was
silent for a few seconds, then
slowly began to applaud probably
wondering if they should
publicly approve of Mondale’s
self-inflicted wound. He went
on to win Washington DC and,
barely, his home state of
Minnesota.
Barack Obama is embracing the
Mondale tax-increase strategy by
demanding higher taxes on the
“rich.” And I bet it works
every bit as well him as it did
for Mondale.
Taken together, Obama’s
economic malpractice,
flip-flops, class warfare and
the country’s rejection of his
policies will make it very hard
for him to win reelection. The
one big plus in Obama’s favor,
besides incumbency, is the lack
of a strong Republican
alternative — yet. But even
that may not be a deal breaker.
The 2012 presidential election
will likely be more a vote
against Barack Obama than a vote
for the Republican candidate.
Where Hispanic Votes Will Matter in 2012
With the recent release of the national Census data pundits have been
quick to point out the obvious: the Hispanic population is growing!
As if data points from the annual
Current Population Survey, and now American Community Survey did not already
tell us this on a yearly basis, the official 2010 decennial census now confirms
that more than 50.5 million Hispanics are part of America and politicians should
take note.
However, the lingering question on
journalists minds is whether or not this population growth will transfer into
immediate political power?
With 33 U.S. Senate contests and a
Presidential election across 50 states in 2012, the Hispanic voter is positioned
to have a bigger impact than ever on the political landscape of America.
However, even as the citizen eligible population is increasing rapidly,
Hispanics
continue to face a registration gap vis-a-vis Whites and African Americans.
Despite massive voter registration
drives in 2008 and 2010, only about 60% of Hispanic citizen adults are registered
to vote, compared to 70% of Blacks, and 74% of Whites. Thus, while the Hispanic
population is growing dramatically (43% growth since 2000, compared to 1% growth
in the White population), it's influence in 2012 could be even greater than
expected if voter registration drives take shape.
Using data from the 1996 - 2008 Current Population Survey, Voting and
Registration supplement, and 2010 Census data where available, we have projected
the Hispanic eligible voter population, by state for November 2012.
Given the trends in growth rates over
the previous decade, and new data from 2010, we project linear estimates for
each state in 2012. By the 2012 election, Hispanics will account for over 10% of
the citizen adult population - potential voters - in 11 states.
In another 13 states, Hispanic account for
5-10% of the citizen adult population. All told, that's 24 states where
Hispanics
have the capacity to influence electoral outcomes, given a competitive statewide
election. In the table below, we outline the potential states where Hispanics
votes might matter in elections for U.S. Senate and President in 2012.
For each state, we list the percentage
of the total citizen adult eligible population that is Hispanic, as well as an
estimate of how many eligible Hispanics are not yet registered to vote. States are
sorted by where Hispanics are likely to have the most influence in 2012.
In 2012, Hispanic voters have the best chance to influence outcomes in 10 states
for either Senate, President, or both. Four of the top five states will be
"Hispanic influence states" on everyone's map - New Mexico, Florida, Nevada,
Colorado all have large and growing Hispanic electorates in otherwise politically
competitive states.
In addition to close presidential
contests, New Mexico, Florida and Nevada will likely see very competitive Senate
elections. Another state we include, Arizona, has a large Hispanic population, and
depending on who the nominees are for U.S. Senate, could have a fairly
competitive election with Hispanic voters proving decisive. In 2010, Hispanics
registered voters in Arizona demonstrated the highest turnout rate of Hispanics in
any state.
The next batch of states Hispanics may influence are ones that historically
are not obvious Hispanic states, but significant population growth over the last
decade has left a substantial Hispanic eligible voter population.
In Connecticut, Georgia, Pennsylvania,
Wisconsin and Massachusetts, Hispanics account for over 5% of potential voters,
and each state is expected have a competitive U.S. Senate or Presidential
contest in 2012. For example, in Georgia, the Hispanic population grew by 96%
since 2000 while the White population grew by 6%; a state McCain won by just 5%
(52-47) in 2008. In Wisconsin Hispanics grew by 74% compared to 1% growth for
Whites, and could be one of the most fiercely contested states in 2012.
Beyond these 10 states, there are others where Hispanics will matter if elections
are close, as expected in Nebraska, Virginia, Indiana, Missouri and Ohio. While
the Hispanic population is a smaller percentage, the number of Hispanic citizen
adults is growing rapidly, and with voter registration drives targeting
potential Hispanic voters, we could very well be talking about the next "Hispanic
upset" ala Reid vs. Angle in one of these five states. In Missouri the
Hispanic
population grew by 79% - 20 times faster than the White population (which grew
by 4%), in a state that McCain won by just 4,000 total votes in 2008. One of the
biggest keys to Hispanic influence in 2012 will not just be the population growth
which has already occurred, but rather, voter registration drives that still
need to occur.
Over 8 million more to be registered
Overall, we estimate 21.5 million
Hispanic
citizen adults will be eligible to vote in November 2012, up from 19.5 million
in 2008. If registration rates remain constant, that will leave over 8 million
Hispanic eligible voters who are not registered in 2012. With significant voter
registration drives the Hispanic vote can go from influential to essential. In
addition to the current Hispanic share of the citizen adult population in each
state in the table above, we've also listed the estimated number of Hispanics
eligible to vote who are not registered, given growth rates. For example, while
Hispanics are growing in influence in Arizona, there are over 400,000 Hispanics
eligible to vote who are not yet registered. In Florida it's even more - over
600,000 Hispanics could be added to the voter rolls. Newly naturalized citizens
and young Hispanics turning 18 are adding literally a half-million of new
potential voters each year.
Over the past decade, and well before, Hispanic civic and political organizations
have led the charge in registering voters, as political parties rarely ventured
into el barrio for campaign outreach. Groups such as NALEO, NCLR, Southwest
Voter have invested millions of dollars and millions of hours into Hispanic voter
registration and civic education drives. Today, many new and influential groups
have emerged and done considerable work in Hispanic voter registration and
mobilization including Mi Familia Vota, Democracia USA, The Hispanic Institute,
and Voto Hispanic among many other groups. However, these non-partisan groups
operate mostly on soft money contributions and an extensive volunteer network.
A significant investment in Hispanic voter
registration is badly overdue by both major political parties. In Texas, for
example, there are an estimated 2.1 million Hispanic eligible voters who are not
yet registered, who could be crucial to either party's desire to win and hold
statewide office in Texas in coming years. In California there are another 2
million eligible Hispanics to be registered. There are 300,000 unregistered
Hispanics who could be voters in Illinois where a U.S. Senate election was decided
by less than 60,000 votes in 2010.
As pundits look towards 2012, Hispanic voters are positioned to cast crucial votes
in many states. Beyond looking at just the likely 4/4 voters, or perhaps the
pool of registered voters, campaigns and candidates would be wise to look at the
growing pool of Hispanic eligible voters and invest now in bringing more
Hispanics
into the political system - an investment that will pay off for decades to come.
Obama can not Win in 2012 without the Hispanic
Vote and I am Not Voting for Obama Unless....the
six
items
below
are
achieved
before
the
2012
elections.
Obama
has
no
creditability
with
campaign
promises
so
each
of
the
items
below
must
be
delivered
before
the
2012
election.
1. Today, Obama must cut back the number
of deportations to the number deported
under President Bush and
use existing presidential powers to stop
deportations of the estimated 65,000
undocumented students who were brought
to the United States as children, and
who graduate from high school every
year, and want to enter college or the
armed forces.
Second, Obama must use his executive powers to delay deportation of the
parents of the estimated four million U.S.-born children who have at least one
parent who does not have legal status.
2.
End
Napolitano's
Secure
Communities
program
that
can
deport
any
immigrant
arrested
by
any
law
enforcement
agency
such
as
Sheriff
Joe
Arpaio
for
having
a
broken
tail
light.
In
Phoenix,
Arpaio
continues
his
sweeps
arresting
the
undocumented
working
with
ICE
to
deport
all
that
are
arrested.
What Arpaio is doing in Phoenix is happening throughout
the USA.
3. Fire Janet Napolitano and John
Norton.
4.
Support
the
candidacy
of
Hispanic
Democrats
running
for
state
and
congressional
offices
before
and
during
the
primary
by providing
fund
raising,
campaign
management
and
endorsements.
It
is
national
policy
not
to
support
any
candidate
in a
primary
where
two
or
more
are
competing
but
if
one
non-Hispanic
candidate
was
an
established
office
holder,
the
probability
of
electing
an
Hispanic
is
lessen;
therefore,
the
National
Democratic
Party
to
elect
Hispanics
to
office
must
make
exceptions.
There
is
no
better
illustration
of
this
than
Senator
Jeff
Bingaman
of
New
Mexico
who
in
29
years
he
served
as
the
U.S.
Senator
from
New
Mexico
never
gave
a
speech
advocating
Immigration
Reform.
There
may
be
non-Hispanics
who
vote
for
Immigration
Reform
but
just
voting
for
Immigration
Reform
will
not
get
the
job
done.
Strong
advocacy
is
required
and
only
Hispanic
members
of
Congress
will
advocate
Immigration
Reform
—
not
non-Hispanics.
Electing
a
non-Hispanic
Senator
in
New
Mexico
would
be
the
same
as
electing
another
Jeff
Bingaman.
Does
New
Mexico
want
another
29
years
of
non
representation?
Hispanics
are
now the
majority
in
New
Mexico
and
now
more
than
never,
New
Mexico
needs
an
Hispanic
U.S.
Senator
that
will
be
the
driving
force
to
achieve
Immigration
Reform.
Martin Heinrich is a Jeff Bingaman
clone. A nice guy but clearly not the answer to
represent all the residents of New Mexico.
5.
Assure
every
committee
of
the
National
Democratic
Convention
be
composed
of
the
same
percentage
of
members
equal
to
the
2010
Census
count
on
race.
The
2010
Census
counted
50.5
million
Hispanics
in
the
United
States
making
up
16.3%
of
the
total
population.
Each
National
Democratic
Convention
committee
must
have
at a
minimum
16.3%
Hispanic
representation.
At
the
2008
National
Democratic
Convention,
only
a
handful
of
Hispanics
were
represented.
Some
committees
had
no
Hispanic
representation
which
is
shameful!
Some
committees
appeared
to
have
been
dominated
by
blacks.
Why?
Now
because
of
the
census
data
certifying
the
surge
of
the
Hispanic
community
is
now
the
biggest
minority
group
in
the
USA,
the
black
community
wants
to
partner
with
the
Hispanic
community.
Let
them
show
sincerity
by
removing
their
dominance
of
the
National
Democratic
Convention.
The 2010 census counted 50.5 million Hispanics and 38.9 million blacks —
compared with 35.3 million Hispanics and 34.7 million blacks in 2000. But those
figures have not translated into Hispanic clout in Congress, where — not
including delegates or members of Portuguese ancestry — they have 24 House
members (17 Democrats and seven Republicans), compared with 42 black
representatives (40 Democrats and two Republicans).
6.
For
2012,
partner
with
a
Mexican
American Hispanic
for
Vice
President
who
is a
strong
advocate
for
Immigration
Reform.
The
entire
United
States
must
learn,
Cuban
and
Puerto
Ricans
could
care
less
about
Immigration
Reform.
Immigration
Reform
is a
Mexican,
Central
and
South
American
priority.
Today,
as
in
2008,
Obama
is
promising
to
pursue
Immigration
Reform
but
I
will
not
support
Barack
Obama's
re-election
unless
the
above
six
items
are
achieved
before
the
2012
elections.
Jon Garrido,
CEO and Owner
The Jon Garrido
Network
Santa Fe, New
Mexico

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