Obama can not Win in 2012 without the Hispanic Vote and I am Not Voting for Obama Unless....

 

SANTA FE, NM (By Jon Garrido, The Jon Garrido Network) June 10, 2011 President Obama’s trip to Texas, where he gave a speech on the need for immigration reform was crafted for maximum political advantage.

 

The point was to remind Hispanics the president supports their goal of providing a path to legality and citizenship for undocumented and Republicans do not. If the president proposes another go at immigration reform and is turned down by Congress, part of which is now controlled by the GOP, that should ensure maximum loyalty for Obama’s reelection bid on the part of most Hispanics.

In Obama's world, it ought to work but it doesn't. Hispanics are not buying what Obama is selling.

Many in the Republican caucus in Congress are hostile to anything that smacks of “amnesty” for undocumented and most Hispanics deeply resent GOP-backed legislation aimed at enforcing existing immigration laws in places like Arizona.

The blatant insincerity of Obama's gambit is turning off the intended voters of his appeal. Hispanics understand the president is merely playing us.

First, if immigration reform had truly been a priority for Obama then he might have spent some time working on it during his first two years in office when his party controlled both houses of Congress. The fact he didn’t lift a finger on this issue until the Republican victory last November made passage of reform an impossibility makes it hard for even the most partisan of Hispanic Democrats to take Obama at face value on immigration.

Second, even the president’s current efforts are completely for show rather than a genuine attempt to pass a bill. The White House has made no effort to reach out to Congress to pave the way for legislation, a sure tipoff that nothing serious is planned.

Even more damaging, as far as Hispanic Democrats are concerned, is the president’s point-blank refusal to use his executive power to halt deportations of undocumented immigrants, especially those students who might have benefitted from the Dream Act, the bill to legalize students and military personnel who were brought to the United States by their parents. The proposed Dream Act Bill failed in the Congress last year.

The Hispanic Caucus is also urging the White House to expand waivers for undocumented immigrants who are immediate relatives of U.S. citizens but Obama continues to refuse to do any of this.

The reasoning for his refusal is similarly political. Obama knows while speeches about amnesty might help him among Hispanics, they won’t do him much harm with other groups that might vote for him. If he used his executive power to erode the government’s efforts to deport undocumented, however, the chances are he would undermine his standing with independents.

So while the national press corps dutifully followed Obama to Texas to assist his efforts to embarrass Republicans, the sector of the population least impressed with him on this issue is Hispanics. While Republicans have harmed themselves with these voters by allowing demagogues to be the loudest voices heard on immigration, most Hispanics know it was George W. Bush who made immigration reform a priority in his second term, but failed to get a bill passed in no small measure because Democrats and liberals refused to help him get around members of his own party.

Hispanics also know more deportations have taken place in Obama’s two years in office than occurred during the Bush presidency.

Barack Obama is right when he says America needs immigration reform, but he’s wrong if he thinks his attempt to use this issue for political advantage will convince anyone of his sincerity.

President Obama, who has spent two and a half years not delivering on his promise to fix immigration in the speech given with great fanfare in El Paso last month cloaked his failure in tough statistics — this many new border agents, that much fencing, these thousands of deportations.

As for the other parts of reform — where millions of immigrants get right with the law and get on with becoming Americans, where workers are better protected — he threw up his hands. He said immigration advocates “wish I could just bypass Congress and change the law myself. But that’s not how a democracy works.”

There is a lot however President Obama can and should do, using the discretion and authority granted to the executive branch and its agencies to make the system work better:

Mr. Obama can bolster public safety by pulling the plug on Secure Communities, a program that sends fingerprints of everyone booked by state or local police to Department of Homeland Security databases to be checked for immigration violations. It was supposed to focus on dangerous felons, but the heavy majority of those it catches are non-criminals or minor offenders — more than 30 percent have no convictions for anything.

The president should listen to the many law enforcement professionals and local officials, like the governors of New York and Illinois, who want nothing to do with Secure Communities. They say it endangers the public by catching the wrong people and stifling community cooperation with law enforcement.

The president can push much harder against the noxious anti-immigrant laws proliferating in the national free-for-all. The administration sued to stop Arizona’s radical scheme but Utah, Alabama, Indiana and Georgia are trying to do the same thing.

He can grant relief from deportation to young people who would have qualified for the Dream Act, a bill that congress refused to pass that would have granted legal status to the innocent undocumented who enter college or the military. He can do the same for workers who would qualify for the Power Act, a stalled bill that seeks to prevent employers from using the threat of deportation and immigration raids to retaliate against employees who press for their rights on the job.

He can resist Republican lawmakers who want mandatory nationwide use of E-Verify, a flawed hiring database, which would likely lead to thousands of Americans losing their job because of data errors. A December report by the Government Accountability Office warned E-Verify is plagued by inaccurate records and vulnerable to identity theft and employer fraud.

He can order the citizenship agency to keep families intact by making it easier for undocumented immigrants who are immediate relatives of American citizens to fix their status without having to leave the country. Many already qualify for green cards but are afraid to risk getting stuck abroad under too-strict laws that could bar their re-entry.

He can bolster the civil rights division of the Department of Justice and give the Department of Labor more tools to strengthen protections for all workers and the authority to combat labor trafficking. Such authority now lies with Homeland Security, which means many immigrants are too frightened to speak up when their rights are abused.

As President Obama said in El Paso, the United States needs to address “the real human toll of a broken immigration system.” There’s work to do, Mr. President and your actions demonstrate the lack of empathy for Hispanics torn apart by deporting family members for having a broken tail light or jay walking.

Obama can not Win without the Hispanic Vote

The failure of all the above to help Hispanics will be devastating in 2012 when Hispanics fail to vote for Obama.

The alternative is a Republican win but the truth is Hispanics were better off with President Bush.

The only way to move Hispanics forward is to vote for American Hispanics to replace non Hispanics members of Congress and especially to elect an Mexican American Hispanic to the Senate to become America's advocate for Immigration Reform.

As for Obama's strategy to win a second term, Democrats evaluating the 2012 map are confident President Barack Obama can win enough battleground states to earn a second term, but via a far less aggressive path than what he forged in 2008.

Party strategists, Obama aides and top Democrats see multiple routes for the president to reach the 270 Electoral College votes he needs on Nov. 6, 2012. But some Democrats splash cold water on the big talk of outreach in all 50 states, saying it is obvious the president will focus on traditional swing territory.

It’s not the ambitious strategy the hopeful Team Obama once showcased to psych out opponents.

In 2008, then-campaign manager David Plouffe often would boast about playing offense and seeing potential on a map that at one point even included Alaska, North Dakota and Georgia.

A Democratic official familiar with the still-forming re-election campaign told Roll Call the focus will be holding the 2008 pickups of Colorado, Virginia and North Carolina, winning over Hispanic voters in the West and flooding the traditional swing states of Ohio and Florida with resources. The Democrats feel good about winning New Mexico and Nevada, especially given the population growth among Hispanics.

Obviously the Obama re-election strategy falls flat without Hispanic voters voting for Obama.

What follows is a strategy the Obama re-election team will implement assuming the Hispanic vote will turn out for Obama but we Hispanics know this is a false assumption unless Obama accepts the conditions/requirements stated below.

While it’s early and strategies will surely evolve based on who becomes the GOP nominee, there are several paths for the president to win re-election.

As the campaign shapes up, this map translates into frequent Obama trips to the heartland and western battlegrounds and maintaining popularity with the black voters who can help Obama win Virginia and North Carolina a second time. It means the president must keep Hispanic voters interested in the election to help him lock down Nevada, New Mexico and Colorado — and, as is the talk in some optimistic circles, Arizona.

Former Democratic National Committee Chairman Howard Dean said that when he led the party in 2008, his strategy accounted for Obama losing Ohio and Florida but still winning the White House. Obama exceeded his expectations by running the table with swing-state victories, and Dean feels even more confident today.

“The West is a big cushion. If we win Florida, we win the whole thing, and Florida is very, very winnable,” Dean said in an interview.

The Democratic official noted in Colorado, Virginia, North Carolina and even Iowa, Hispanic voters were “a factor” in 2008, and their numbers “are more pronounced now.”

“It won’t swing the state, but it will be a factor,” the official said.

Indeed, it’s no accident Obama has continued to push immigration reform as a campaign issue despite remarkably little chance for its legislative success on Capitol Hill.

“We have a lot of different states we need to win in order to get to the 270,” DNC Chairwoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz said, predicting Obama will win her home state.

“He sent a very strong signal by asking me to chair the DNC about how important a priority Florida is,” the Congresswoman said.

Despite the lousy economy and the president’s sagging poll numbers, Democrats aren’t ready to cede Ohio and even privately insist they think it’s winnable.

Dean argued newly elected Republican governors and the budget and labor clashes in Ohio and Wisconsin will help keep those battleground states in the Obama column.

“There is going to be a huge backlash, and Obama is most likely going to win Ohio as a result of all this,” he said. “You can’t overreach in American politics, and what they’ve done is given Obama new life.”

The Democratic official believes Ohio will be competitive but not unwinnable, thanks in part to a planned large financial investment in on-the-ground talent there. Jeremy Bird, who runs Obama’s 2012 field program, served as the campaign’s 2008 state director in Ohio.

Privately, Democrats say Indiana will be much tougher to hold. Missouri is likely to come off the 2012 battleground map, given that it has only trended more conservative since Obama narrowly lost it in 2008 and Sen. Claire McCaskill will be facing a tough re-election battle and a strengthened Show-Me State GOP base.

A Republican strategist who worked on the 2008 campaign said Obama was only able to expand the playing field into states such as Indiana because he was an unknown quantity.

“Now that he has a record, he’ll be judged on the economy in these battleground states. And that’s going to limit where he can play,” the strategist said.

Because of reapportionment, Obama would have a net of six fewer Electoral College votes in 2012 than he scored in 2008. Democrats say those numbers don’t worry them.

For their part, Obama’s team has publicly played up the fact that things won’t be so easy this time around, if only to help drum up grass-roots support and donations. “The electoral landscape will be more challenging,” campaign manager Jim Messina recently told supporters in a Web video.

Democrats insist there will be offices with volunteers and paid staff in all 50 states before the general election gets going. “This is the first time a candidate will go live with a field program that will have been active for four years,” the official said, referring to the work the DNC’s Organizing for America has done since Obama took office. “We’re in good shape in these swing states.”

But Dean, who built the 50-state strategy for the Democrats’ blockbuster 2006 cycle, scoffed at claims Obama’s team will be able to blanket the nation.

“They are not pursuing a 50-state strategy in the way we did. They are giving them $5,000 a month or $7,500. We had a $60,000 budget per state for tech training and three staffers,” Dean said. “It still exists, but it’s scaled back.”

A Democratic official said the 50-state strategy “played a critical role in building the party” and noted the DNC continued Dean’s vision but has been using different methods.

As for those red states he flipped in 2008, Obama has remained surprisingly strong in Virginia, where voters picked a Republican governor in 2009 and ousted three Democratic House Members last fall.

Democrats chose to hold their nominating convention in Charlotte in part because of North Carolina’s battleground status. Wasserman Schultz said Wednesday during a visit to Raleigh that the Tar Heel State is the “heart and soul” of the president’s re-election campaign, according to the Associated Press.

The Republican strategist said the GOP learned something from the 2008 battle for the Democratic nomination between Obama and then-Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton (N.Y.). The contest lasted through every single state’s primary, allowing the Democrats to register more voters than the Republicans, who had wrapped up their nomination before spring.

“If our primary season goes long and deep, you’ll see a GOP nominee emerge who is well-known and who has infrastructure in these states.”

A White House aide is quoted as saying it will be months before Obama mounts any substantive campaign travel. Until then, the president will “tack politics on the back end” of official business by scheduling nearby fundraisers when it makes sense.

The aide said Obama won’t “engage” the Republican candidates for the nomination until the GOP field is more set.

“We’re keeping the president on the presidential track,” the aide said. “There will be a time and a place for a more intense focus on politics.”

Obama campaign expands 2012 map

President Barack Obama’s campaign team is gaming out complex state-by-state scenarios for 2012 that anticipate uphill battles in recession-ravaged blue states — and new opportunities in Arizona and Georgia.

Their underlying assumption is the GOP presidential field remains so fluid – and the country’s economic outlook so devilishly unpredictable – Obama must construct robust grassroots field operations in nearly every competitive state in order to hit the magic number of 270 electoral votes and win re-election.

If the famously expanded “Obama map” of 2008 was a gesture of emancipation from the cramped Democratic geography of the party’s past presidential campaigns, the equally big 2012 map is a reflection of the reality there’s not yet a way to know the combination of red, blue and purple states that will add up to victory.

“We are preparing a variety of scenarios to get to 270. We are not putting our cards on any one state and don’t foresee doing that,” Said Obama campaign manager Jim Messina, rebuffing GOP suggestions thhe president’s electoral horizons are shrinking.

“We’re building our ground campaign now,” Messina said, adding that “2011 is about infrastructure.”

Messina would not confirm the content of the half-dozen or so campaign scenarios floating around Obama headquarters – but other Democrats say one map points to alternative pathways if the president underperforms in the Midwest, especially in Ohio, which has suffered disproportionately from the economic downturn, and where Democrats suffered heavy losses in 2010.

And that could likely spark an intensive push in the Mountain West, where squeaker victories by Sens. Harry Reid (D-Nev.) and Michael Bennet (D-Colo.) last November have revived Democratic hopes.

On the flip side, a worse-than-expected trend in the critical states of Colorado or Nevada by mid-2012 could force the campaign to shift resources back east to the more traditional battleground Midwest.

Virtually all of the scenarios envision Obama winning either North Carolina or Virginia, centerpieces of his 2008 win and the biggest prizes of the moderating demographic shifts that have opened up parts of the upper south to Democrats. And Obama, who pushed through the auto bailout amid GOP opposition, is performing well in Michigan, a state which would otherwise be ripe for Republicans.

Still, Obama’s team does acknowledge one area of probable contraction: Indiana, which has, for all intents and purposes turned red despite Obama’s 30,000-vote margin of victory there three years ago.

Indiana will attract fewer Obama resources initially for 2012, “but we could make a late play there like we did last time,” said a senior campaign official.

Not surprisingly, Republicans are dismissive of the Obama campaign’s political geography.

“I would almost hate to be in their shoes, the economy is going into the tank and they have to look for votes wherever they can get them,” said Republican National Committee political director Rick Wiley. “They are hoping – hoping! – the unemployment rate will be at 8 percent during the election. Good luck with trying to defend that record in these swing states.”

If the map is still vague, the entrance of former governors Mitt Romney of Massachusetts and Tim Pawlenty of Minnesota into the presidential race has given Obama’s Chicago-based team a key element of his re-election: A new crop of GOP targets.

On Monday, Pawlenty rolled into Obama’s hometown to declare the president’s economic policies a failure, attack “Obamacare” and dub the president a “champion practitioner of class warfare” for not embracing his proposal to slash business taxes.

Obama strategist David Axelrod was ready for it.

“You have to question the credibility of a guy who would leave his state with a $6.2 billion deficit,” Axelrod said between bites at the back table in Manny’s, a working-class Chicago cafeteria that serves as his second home and more-or-less permanent focus group.

Axelrod, responding to Romney’s claim Obama “failed America” by not reducing joblessness, added: “It felt like rhetoric in search of an idea… He’s tethered to his own history; His state ranked 47th in job creation when he was governor and that would have been lower if it hadn’t been for Katrina” and the resulting job losses suffered by Gulf states because of the hurricane.

Even so, the 2012 map is a product of what Messina has been telling donors privately for months: Next year will be a lot more challenging for Obama than the 2008 general elections against John McCain.

That calculation also gibes with a memo circulated by the RNC Wednesday identifying Obama’s challenges in the nine critical swing states won by both him and George W. Bush.

“Virginia is a state that hadn’t previously voted Democrat in a presidential election since 1964… In North Carolina…Republicans picked up both chambers of the state legislature and a U.S. House seat in 2010,” Wiley wrote in the memo, first reported by the Washington Post.

“In Ohio, Republicans held the U.S. Senate seat, regained the Governorship and control of the State House, picked up five U.S. House seats, and picked up three state constitutional offices – Attorney General, Treasurer, and Secretary of State.”

In that light, the Obama campaign’s ambitious fundraising goals – anywhere from $700 million to $1 billion – are less a luxury than a financial necessity, the fuel to run an expensive political gas guzzler which must cover vast swaths of electoral territory.

The core battlegrounds of 2008 remain unchanged in 2012: Ohio, Florida, Virginia, North Carolina and Pennsylvania. All are marginal Obama states where his popularity has sagged, and will require untold millions in cash and other resources, campaign officials say.

To that list, Obama hopes to add two new states: Georgia – viewed by the campaign as North Carolina’s demographic “Mini Me,” which Obama lost by 5 points; and Arizona, seen as a stretch possibility if Obama can ride the Hispanic population explosion and backlash against Gov. Jan Brewer’s immigration crackdown.

“We reject the 2000 and 2004 model,” said a senior Obama campaign aide. “There are some demographic changes in Arizona, and McCain won’t be running this time. We think it’s in play.”

Wiley laughed that off. “You are going into Arizona and Georgia to expand? Republicans control everything in those states. It’s lunacy. We welcome their expenditure of resources in states we are going to win. What’s next? Montana? Nebraska?”

Yet, Obama’s campaign veterans say they’ve hear all of this before. Obama’s finance and field staffs, led by Rufus Gifford and Mitch Stewart respectively, have been working up budgets for states to maximize turnout and re-create the high-energy atmosphere of Obama’s 2008 operation. They have also begun opening dozens of field offices and recruiting a new generation of college-aged organizers to take major new roles.

Moreover, local organizers have been given the authority to pitch Stewart and other officials on getting involved in local Democratic races and other fights to help build relationships and give their operatives valuable live-fire experience.

They played just such a cameo role in Rep. Kathy Hochul’s come-from-behind victory in New York’s 26th congressional district. Obama aides say they are also likely to be involved in efforts to recall GOP state legislators in Wisconsin and in pushing for the rollback of SB-5, the Ohio law curtailing some collective bargaining rights of state employees.

Why Obama Cannot Win in 2012

The smart money in a presidential election is on the incumbent.  But in a down economy, or when the public perceives the incumbent as feckless, dithering or simply not up to the task — can you say Jimmy Carter or George H.W. Bush? — the conventional wisdom can go out the window.

That’s pretty much where we are with President Obama.  Several factors, when taken together, make it almost impossible for him to win reelection.

1. “It’s the Economy, Stupid.”

We have former Bill Clinton advisor James Carville, who knows a little something about beating an incumbent president, Bush 41, to thank for that important insight.  Maybe Carville was anticipating Obama.

A new Washington Post poll claims 57 percent of the public disapproves of Obama’s handling of the economy.  Those kinds of numbers can create electoral landslides for the opponent.

Since 1940 no incumbent president has been reelected with an unemployment rate above 7.5 percent (i.e., Reagan’s rate in 1984).  It’s currently 8.8 percent.  Of course, many states have significantly higher unemployment rates; California, Nevada, Michigan, Oregon and Florida, among others, remain above 10 percent.  Those states are essential for Obama’s reelection.  While California and Oregon will remain blue, economically struggling Michigan, Nevada and Florida could express their discontent by voting Republican.

The economy will likely pick up over the next 18 months, but very slowly.  And that means millions of struggling families will head to the polls on election day and vindicate Carville’s political insight .

2. Consumers Are “Fueling” the Pain

High gas prices create immediate and visceral economic pain.  A new ABC/Washington Post poll says that seven out of 10 respondents claim high gas prices are “causing financial hardship.”

When those prices get high enough, the public starts demanding solutions and holding politicians responsible.

There have been three major gas-price hikes in the past century:

  • The mid-1970s when Gerald Ford was president;
  • Followed by an even bigger spike when Jimmy Carter occupied the Oval Office; and
  • 2008, when oil exceeded $100 a barrel between January and September, ending just before the presidential election.

Incumbent Gerald Ford lost his reelection bid, as did Jimmy Carter.  Of course, John McCain wasn’t running for reelection in 2008, but the Republican Party with Bush in the White House was and the party lost.  Even though prices had started to decline by September, it wasn’t enough to stem the summer of our discontent.

Barack Obama has never proposed a serious energy policy.  Indeed, he has either directly or indirectly opposed virtually all efforts to develop domestic energy sources, including offshore drilling and in Alaska.  Rather, his energy policy seems to be to put everyone in a (Government Motors) Chevy Volt.

The 2008 gas-price surge lasted about nine months.  If the current surge follows that pattern, that would take it to the beginning of 2012—and some think it may go significantly longer.  If voters continue to “fuel” the pain at the pumps, the president will feel their pain at the polls.

3. The Debt Bet

A newly elected President Obama made a political bet: the American people would be so glad to get all the new federal handouts and bailouts there would be little or no political fallout.

Although he still complains he inherited the first-ever $1 trillion deficit from the Bush administration, Obama immediately doubled down with a $1.4 trillion deficit for the 2009 fiscal year, and $1.29 trillion for FY 2010, according to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO).

Then CBO also projected budget deficits at $1.43 trillion for FY 2011 and $1.16 trillion for FY 2012.  Of course, repeated Republican calls for spending cuts, backed up by widespread public support in the polls, forced the president to reverse course in April, which may affect future deficits.

But Obama’s repeated efforts to blame Bush for  deficit spending deficits that were created by a Democratically controlled Congress and supported by then-Senator Obama no longer look disingenuous so much as dishonest.  Much of the voter angst that led to the Democrats’ drubbing last November was due to the president’s unchecked federal spending spree.  Obama gambled big and lost.  The public wants the country’s fiscal house in order, and that means big spending cuts—not tax increases.

4. Promises Made, Promises Broken

The man is a serial flip-flopper who has reversed himself on almost every major promise and a lot of minor ones, too: His assertion about the openness of the health care reform legislation; his opposition to an individual mandate requiring people to buy health insurance; his strong support for publicly funded presidential campaigns; his claim that he would shut down Guantanamo and try terrorists in civilian courts; his criticism of Bush for getting us bogged down in a winless war in a Muslim country, then going into Libya; his promise that families making less than $250,000 would see no tax increases.  The list of his flip-flops is endless.

On the positive side, the man can claim that he’s been right on almost every issue because he’s been on both sides of so many of them.  But American voters want a president with principles who stands for something besides his own reelection.

5. The Electoral Flap

The November election was a boon for Republicans, giving them control of the governor’s mansions in 29 states and another five with Republican legislatures and a Democratic governor.  So how do some of the pundits see this massive electoral upheaval playing out for Obama’s reelection?  Why favoring it, of course.

USA Today reporter David Jackson writes, “Our friends at NBC News have revised their battleground map, and it shows Obama and the Democrats have the edge in states with 232 electoral votes.” (It takes 270 to win.)

By contrast, political tracking pro Michael Barone writing in the Washington Examiner comes to a similar number for Democrats, 237 electoral votes, but he sees that number at the top end of their total votes, not the starting point.  As a general rule, you don’t want to bet against Barone.

The fact is the state-by-state breakdowns show a Republican trend.  For example, of the four states USA Today lists as “lean Dem,” three of them, Michigan, New Jersey and Pennsylvania all have Republican governors now.  And the fourth, Minnesota, just had a two-term Republican governor step down and now, remarkably for that state, has a Republican House and Senate.

Of the 10 states considered toss-ups, several of them, Florida, Iowa, North Carolina, Ohio and Virginia have strong Republican leanings, and voted both times for George W. Bush.  The electoral map is leaning more Republican than it has for years.  Obama can win it, but it’s an uphill climb, not a downhill slide.

6. The Tax Man Cometh

Presidential candidate Walter Mondale famously predicted at the 1984 Democratic convention, “Mr. Reagan will raise taxes, and so will I.  He won’t tell you. I just did.”  The crowd was silent for a few seconds, then slowly began to applaud probably wondering if they should publicly approve of Mondale’s self-inflicted wound.  He went on to win Washington DC and, barely, his home state of Minnesota.

Barack Obama is embracing the Mondale tax-increase strategy by demanding higher taxes on the “rich.”  And I bet it works every bit as well him as it did for Mondale.

Taken together, Obama’s economic malpractice, flip-flops, class warfare and the country’s rejection of his policies will make it very hard for him to win reelection.  The one big plus in Obama’s favor, besides incumbency, is the lack of a strong Republican alternative — yet.  But even that may not be a deal breaker.  The 2012 presidential election will likely be more a vote against Barack Obama than a vote for the Republican candidate.

Where Hispanic Votes Will Matter in 2012

 

With the recent release of the national Census data pundits have been quick to point out the obvious: the Hispanic population is growing!

 

As if data points from the annual Current Population Survey, and now American Community Survey did not already tell us this on a yearly basis, the official 2010 decennial census now confirms that more than 50.5 million Hispanics are part of America and politicians should take note.

 

However, the lingering question on journalists minds is whether or not this population growth will transfer into immediate political power?

 

With 33 U.S. Senate contests and a Presidential election across 50 states in 2012, the Hispanic voter is positioned to have a bigger impact than ever on the political landscape of America. However, even as the citizen eligible population is increasing rapidly, Hispanics continue to face a registration gap vis-a-vis Whites and African Americans.

 

Despite massive voter registration drives in 2008 and 2010, only about 60% of Hispanic citizen adults are registered to vote, compared to 70% of Blacks, and 74% of Whites. Thus, while the Hispanic population is growing dramatically (43% growth since 2000, compared to 1% growth in the White population), it's influence in 2012 could be even greater than expected if voter registration drives take shape.

Using data from the 1996 - 2008 Current Population Survey, Voting and Registration supplement, and 2010 Census data where available, we have projected the Hispanic eligible voter population, by state for November 2012.

 

Given the trends in growth rates over the previous decade, and new data from 2010, we project linear estimates for each state in 2012. By the 2012 election, Hispanics will account for over 10% of the citizen adult population - potential voters - in 11 states.

 

In another 13 states, Hispanic account for 5-10% of the citizen adult population. All told, that's 24 states where Hispanics have the capacity to influence electoral outcomes, given a competitive statewide election. In the table below, we outline the potential states where Hispanics votes might matter in elections for U.S. Senate and President in 2012.

 

For each state, we list the percentage of the total citizen adult eligible population that is Hispanic, as well as an estimate of how many eligible Hispanics are not yet registered to vote. States are sorted by where Hispanics are likely to have the most influence in 2012.

In 2012, Hispanic voters have the best chance to influence outcomes in 10 states for either Senate, President, or both. Four of the top five states will be "Hispanic influence states" on everyone's map - New Mexico, Florida, Nevada, Colorado all have large and growing Hispanic electorates in otherwise politically competitive states.

 

In addition to close presidential contests, New Mexico, Florida and Nevada will likely see very competitive Senate elections. Another state we include, Arizona, has a large Hispanic population, and depending on who the nominees are for U.S. Senate, could have a fairly competitive election with Hispanic voters proving decisive. In 2010, Hispanics registered voters in Arizona demonstrated the highest turnout rate of Hispanics in any state.

The next batch of states Hispanics may influence are ones that historically are not obvious Hispanic states, but significant population growth over the last decade has left a substantial Hispanic eligible voter population.

 

In Connecticut, Georgia, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and Massachusetts, Hispanics account for over 5% of potential voters, and each state is expected have a competitive U.S. Senate or Presidential contest in 2012. For example, in Georgia, the Hispanic population grew by 96% since 2000 while the White population grew by 6%; a state McCain won by just 5% (52-47) in 2008. In Wisconsin Hispanics grew by 74% compared to 1% growth for Whites, and could be one of the most fiercely contested states in 2012.

Beyond these 10 states, there are others where Hispanics will matter if elections are close, as expected in Nebraska, Virginia, Indiana, Missouri and Ohio. While the Hispanic population is a smaller percentage, the number of Hispanic citizen adults is growing rapidly, and with voter registration drives targeting potential Hispanic voters, we could very well be talking about the next "Hispanic upset" ala Reid vs. Angle in one of these five states. In Missouri the Hispanic population grew by 79% - 20 times faster than the White population (which grew by 4%), in a state that McCain won by just 4,000 total votes in 2008. One of the biggest keys to Hispanic influence in 2012 will not just be the population growth which has already occurred, but rather, voter registration drives that still need to occur.

Over 8 million more to be registered

 

Overall, we estimate 21.5 million Hispanic citizen adults will be eligible to vote in November 2012, up from 19.5 million in 2008. If registration rates remain constant, that will leave over 8 million Hispanic eligible voters who are not registered in 2012. With significant voter registration drives the Hispanic vote can go from influential to essential. In addition to the current Hispanic share of the citizen adult population in each state in the table above, we've also listed the estimated number of Hispanics eligible to vote who are not registered, given growth rates. For example, while Hispanics are growing in influence in Arizona, there are over 400,000 Hispanics eligible to vote who are not yet registered. In Florida it's even more - over 600,000 Hispanics could be added to the voter rolls. Newly naturalized citizens and young Hispanics turning 18 are adding literally a half-million of new potential voters each year.

Over the past decade, and well before, Hispanic civic and political organizations have led the charge in registering voters, as political parties rarely ventured into el barrio for campaign outreach. Groups such as NALEO, NCLR, Southwest Voter have invested millions of dollars and millions of hours into Hispanic voter registration and civic education drives. Today, many new and influential groups have emerged and done considerable work in Hispanic voter registration and mobilization including Mi Familia Vota, Democracia USA, The Hispanic Institute, and Voto Hispanic among many other groups. However, these non-partisan groups operate mostly on soft money contributions and an extensive volunteer network.

 

A significant investment in Hispanic voter registration is badly overdue by both major political parties. In Texas, for example, there are an estimated 2.1 million Hispanic eligible voters who are not yet registered, who could be crucial to either party's desire to win and hold statewide office in Texas in coming years. In California there are another 2 million eligible Hispanics to be registered. There are 300,000 unregistered Hispanics who could be voters in Illinois where a U.S. Senate election was decided by less than 60,000 votes in 2010.

As pundits look towards 2012, Hispanic voters are positioned to cast crucial votes in many states. Beyond looking at just the likely 4/4 voters, or perhaps the pool of registered voters, campaigns and candidates would be wise to look at the growing pool of Hispanic eligible voters and invest now in bringing more Hispanics into the political system - an investment that will pay off for decades to come.

Obama can not Win in 2012 without the Hispanic Vote and I am Not Voting for Obama Unless....the six items below are achieved before the 2012 elections. Obama has no creditability with campaign promises so each of the items below must be delivered before the 2012 election.

1. Today, Obama must cut back the number of deportations to the number deported under President Bush and use existing presidential powers to stop deportations of the estimated 65,000 undocumented students who were brought to the United States as children, and who graduate from high school every year, and want to enter college or the armed forces. Second, Obama must use his executive powers to delay deportation of the parents of the estimated four million U.S.-born children who have at least one parent who does not have legal status.

2. End Napolitano's Secure Communities program that can deport any immigrant arrested by any law enforcement agency such as Sheriff Joe Arpaio for having a broken tail light. In Phoenix, Arpaio continues his sweeps arresting the undocumented working with ICE to deport all that are arrested. What Arpaio is doing in Phoenix is happening throughout the USA.

3. Fire Janet Napolitano and John Norton.

4. Support the candidacy of Hispanic Democrats running for state and congressional offices before and during the primary by providing fund raising, campaign management and endorsements. It is national policy not to support any candidate in a primary where two or more are competing but if one non-Hispanic candidate was an established office holder, the probability of electing an Hispanic is lessen; therefore, the National Democratic Party to elect Hispanics to office must make exceptions. There is no better illustration of this than Senator Jeff Bingaman of New Mexico who in 29 years he served as the U.S. Senator from New Mexico never gave a speech advocating Immigration Reform. There may be non-Hispanics who vote for Immigration Reform but just voting for Immigration Reform will not get the job done. Strong advocacy is required and only Hispanic members of Congress will advocate Immigration Reform — not non-Hispanics. Electing a non-Hispanic Senator in New Mexico would be the same as electing another Jeff Bingaman. Does New Mexico want another 29 years of non representation? Hispanics are now the majority in New Mexico and now more than never, New Mexico needs an Hispanic U.S. Senator that will be the driving force to achieve Immigration Reform. Martin Heinrich is a Jeff Bingaman clone. A nice guy but clearly not the answer to represent all the residents of New Mexico.

5. Assure every committee of the National Democratic Convention be composed of the same percentage of members equal to the 2010 Census count on race. The 2010 Census counted 50.5 million Hispanics in the United States making up 16.3% of the total population. Each National Democratic Convention committee must have at a minimum 16.3% Hispanic representation. At the 2008 National Democratic Convention, only a handful of Hispanics were represented. Some committees had no Hispanic representation which is shameful! Some committees appeared to have been dominated by blacks. Why? Now because of the census data certifying the surge of the Hispanic community is now the biggest minority group in the USA, the black community wants to partner with the Hispanic community. Let them show sincerity by removing their dominance of the National Democratic Convention.

The 2010 census counted 50.5 million Hispanics and 38.9 million blacks — compared with 35.3 million Hispanics and 34.7 million blacks in 2000. But those figures have not translated into Hispanic clout in Congress, where — not including delegates or members of Portuguese ancestry — they have 24 House members (17 Democrats and seven Republicans), compared with 42 black representatives (40 Democrats and two Republicans).

6. For 2012, partner with a Mexican American Hispanic for Vice President who is a strong advocate for Immigration Reform. The entire United States must learn, Cuban and Puerto Ricans could care less about Immigration Reform. Immigration Reform is a Mexican, Central and South American priority.

Today, as in 2008, Obama is promising to pursue Immigration Reform but I will not support Barack Obama's re-election unless the above six items are achieved before the 2012 elections.

 

Jon Garrido, CEO and Owner

The Jon Garrido Network

Santa Fe, New Mexico

 

 

Content from Roll Call, New York Times, Politico, Latino Decisions, & Commentary Magazine