After years of courting
Hispanic voters with a
softer tone on immigration,
Republican leaders in
Congress have all but
abandoned that posture,
risking what remains of
Republican support among the
fastest-growing segment of
the U.S. population.
The latest example is the
near-unanimous opposition by
Senate Republicans to the
Dream Act, a measure that
provides a way for some
undocumented immigrants who
arrived in the U.S. as
children to become citizens.
The bill once was seen as a
bipartisan initiative that
offered Republicans a bridge
to Hispanic voters. But in a
Senate debate last week,
Republicans branded the
measure as "amnesty,"
denouncing it as ripe for
abuse.
The party's once solicitous
outreach to Hispanic voters
has been all but drowned out
by a powerful grass-roots
movement incensed over
undocumented immigration.
Republican lawmakers are
increasingly fearful of
incurring the movement's
wrath.
Republicans logged victories
in last month's midterm
election, relying on support
from their core voters and
disaffected independents.
But the Republican approach
to immigration may come back
to haunt the party.
"The longer the Republican
Party appears to be the
party that is adamantly
against the most important
issues to the Hispanic
community, the more they
threaten any long-term
attempts to create a
political party that
includes Hispanics," said
Jaime Regalado, executive
director of the Edmund G.
"Pat" Brown Institute of
Public Affairs at Cal State
Los Angeles.
Republicans say they are
simply listening to voters
on the issue.
They point to the victories
of several prominent
Republican Hispanics in last
month's elections —
including Sen.-elect Marco
Rubio in Florida, the son of
Cuban immigrants, who does
not support the Dream Act —
as evidence Hispanics aren't
uniform in their opinions.
"There's no way I can go to
the people in South Carolina
and say, 'Let's pass the
Dream Act,' when we've done
nothing on the border and
there's a raging war in
Mexico," said Sen. Lindsey
Graham (R-S.C). "Most
Hispanics I talk to know
it's got to be
comprehensive; they want
border security."
The bill now hangs in limbo
in the Senate, where Sen.
Harry Reid, the Democratic
leader, has promised a vote
before the end of the
lame-duck congressional
session.
Republican senators who
voted for the Dream Act just
three years ago have changed
their positions. Others have
avoided taking a stance,
saying tax and spending
issues are more important to
them at the moment.
Sen. Orrin G. Hatch (R-
Utah) co-wrote the Dream Act
nearly 10 years ago, has
turned against it. "Times
have changed," said Antonia
Ferrier, a spokeswoman for
Hatch. "Our nation's
unemployment rate is almost
10%, so Sen. Hatch believes
the focus needs to be on
righting our economic ship."
Hatch's cautious critique
reveals the delicate balance
some Republicans are trying
to strike. Hatch is among
elected officials now facing
pressure from grass-roots
groups unhappy with the
GOP's record on immigration.
Hatch's colleague from Utah,
Sen. Robert F. Bennett, was
ousted by "tea party"
conservatives in his primary
this year. Hatch could be
next in 2012.
But Republicans must also be
wary of a backlash from a
group that will be crucial
to the party's future,
particularly in the West.
Nearly 40% of all Hispanics
in the U.S. are immigrants,
and a vast majority of
Hispanic voters — 85%,
according to a recent poll
by the Pew Hispanic Center —
support creation of a
pathway to citizenship for
immigrants living in the
country undocumented.
That's left many Republicans
searching for a middle
position. In Congress last
week, Sen. Mitch McConnell,
the Senate Republican
leader, lashed out at the
way Democrats sought to
bring the Dream Act to a
vote. Other Republicans
dismissed the effort as
Reid's attempt to reward a
constituency key to his
victory last month.
Outside of Congress,
presidential hopefuls and
party leaders are exploring
other ways to emphasize
issues that resonate with
Hispanics — social issues,
security and jobs.
Still, there are few
Republicans advertising
their support for the type
of immigration revisions
that won 22 Republican votes
in the Senate in 2006, two
years after a Republican
White House made appealing
to Hispanic voters a
priority.
In 2004, President George W.
Bush won about 40% of the
Hispanic vote and set what
some consider the bar for
Republicans.
Since then, anti-immigration
fervor has risen with an
increase of violence near
the border and a persistent
economic downturn. Fewer
politicians of either party
are eager to pass a bill
critics cast as spurring
competition for jobs and
favoring undocumented
immigrants. In the House
last week, 38 Democrats
voted against the bill,
which passed 216 to 198.
Eight Republicans voted in
favor.
The Dream Act would set a
path to citizenship for
college students and
military service members who
came to the U.S.
undocumented before age 16
and have lived in the
country for five years.
Estimates predict after 10
years, about 1.2 million
immigrants would take
advantage of the
opportunity.
Democrats are planning to
make it difficult for
Hispanics to forget how far
Republicans have moved away
from immigration reform. The
White House pushed last week
for passage of the Dream
Act. Later, a senior
administration official, who
requested anonymity because
of the sensitivity of the
political discussions,
noted, "This is clearly a
vote that will be
remembered."
Democrats highlight comments
like those by Sen. Jeff
Sessions (R-Ala.), one of
the bill's most vocal
opponents, who worried the
bill would allow "drunk
drivers, gang members, even
those who commit certain
sexual offenses" to gain
citizenship.
The Republican takeover of
the House is certain to
further shift the
legislative debate from
legal status for
undocumented immigrants to a
border-security-first
approach. Many Republicans
favor a fresh look at the
constitutional definition of
citizenship, challenging the
provision that grants
citizenship to anyone born
in the U.S.
Rep. Lamar Smith (R- Texas),
the incoming chairman of the
House Judiciary Committee,
said his top priority next
year would be helping
"generate jobs for American
workers."
Smith said he favored
"worksite enforcement
efforts" and would oppose
plans to establish amnesty
for undocumented immigrants.
Perhaps signaling the tone
of the committee's new
direction, seven Republican
senators on the panel
recently sent a letter
asking the Department of
Homeland Security how much
money it would need to
deport every undocumented
immigrant the government
encountered.
Reform advocates expect
little action until the
political climate changes.
And moderate Republicans
inclined toward immigration
reform are waiting and
watching.
"They're hoping this blows
over after 2012," Regalado
said.